fferings belonging to the Slave Trade,
that these should be continued to another year. This last
consideration almost overpowered me. It had fallen to my lot, more
than to that of any other person, to know these evils, and I seemed
almost inconsolable at the postponement of the question. I wondered
how members of parliament, and these Englishmen, could talk as they
did on this subject; how they could bear for a moment to consider
their fellow-man as an article of trade; and how they should not count
even the delay of an hour, which occasioned so much misery to
continue, as one of the most criminal actions of their lives.

It was in vain, however, to sink under our burdens. Grief could do no
good; and if our affairs had taken an unfavourable turn, the question
was, how to restore them. It was sufficiently obvious that, if our
opponents were left to themselves, or without any counteracting
evidence, they would considerably soften down the propositions, if not
invalidate them in the minds of many. They had such a power of selection
of witnesses, that they could bring men forward who might say with truth
that they had seen but very few of the evils complained of, and these in
an inferior degree. We knew, also, from the example of the Liverpool
delegates, how interest and prejudice could blind the eyes, and how
others might be called upon to give their testimony, who would dwell
upon the comforts of the Africans when they came into our power; on the
sprinkling of their apartments with frankincense; on the promotion of
music and the dance among them; and on the health and festivity of their
voyages. It seemed, therefore, necessary that we should again be looking
out for evidence on the part of the abolition. Nor did it seem to me to
be unreasonable, if our opponents were allowed to come forward in a new
way, because it was more constitutional, that we should be allowed the
same privilege. By these means the evidence, of which we had now lost
the use, might be restored; indifference might be fanned into warmth;
commercial calculation might be overpowered by justice; and abolition,
rising above the reach of the cry of regulation, might eventually
triumph.

I communicated my ideas to the committee, and offered to go round the
kingdom to accomplish this object. The committee had themselves been
considering what measures to take, and as each in his own mind had come
to conclusions similar with my own, my proposal was no sooner ma