involves in
itself the greatest injury to others. It is not, in fact, justice, which
they demand, but--favour--and favour to themselves at the expense of the
most grievous oppression of their fellow-creatures."
He then argued the question on the ground of policy. He showed, by a
number of official documents, how little this trade had contributed to
the wealth of the nation, being but a fifty-fourth part of its export
trade; and he contended that as four-sevenths of it had been cut off by
His Majesty's proclamation, and the passing of the foreign slave bill in
a former year, no detriment of any consequence would arise from the
present measure.
He entered into an account of the loss of seamen, and of the causes of
the mortality, in this trade.
He went largely into the subject of negro-population, in the islands
from official documents, giving an account of it up to the latest date.
He pointed out the former causes of its diminution, and stated how the
remedies for these would follow.
He showed how, even if the quantity of colonial produce should be
diminished for a time, this disadvantage would, in a variety of
instances, be more than counterbalanced by advantages, which would not
only be great in themselves, but permanent.
He then entered into a refutation of the various objections which had
been made to the abolition, in an eloquent and perspicuous manner; and
concluded by appealing to the great authorities of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox
in behalf of the proposed measure. "These precious ornaments," he said,
"of their age and country, had examined the subject with all the force
of their capacious minds. On this question they had dismissed all
animosity--all difference of opinion--and had proceeded in union; and he
believed, that the best tribute of respect we could show, or the most
splendid monument we could raise, to their memories, would be by the
adoption of the glorious measure of the abolition of the Slave Trade."
Lord Howick was supported by Mr. Roscoe, who was then one of the members
for Liverpool; by Mr. Lushington, Mr. Fawkes, Lord Mahon, Lord Milton,
Sir John Doyle, Sir Samuel Romilly, Mr. Wilberforce, and Earl Percy, the
latter of whom wished that a clause might be put into the bill, by which
all the children of slaves, born after January 1810, should be made
free. General Gascoyne and Mr. Hibbert opposed the bill. Mr. Manning
hoped that compensation would be made to the planters in case of loss.
Mr. B
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