who had conceived regulation to be more desirable than
abolition, he would himself to that subject.

Regulation, as it related to the manner of procuring slaves, was utterly
impossible; for how could we know the case of each individual, whom we
forced away into bondage? Could we establish tribunals all along the
coast, and in every ship, to find it out? What judges could we get for
such an office? But, if this could not be done upon the coast, how could
we ascertain the justness of the captivity of by far the greatest
number, who were brought from immense distances inland?

He would not dwell upon the proof of the inefficiency of regulations, as
to the Middle Passage. His honourable friend, Mr. Wilberforce, had
shown, that, however the mortality might have been lessened in some
ships by the regulations of Sir William Dolben, yet, wherever a
contagious disorder broke out, the greatest part of the cargo was swept
away. But what regulations by the British parliament could prevent these
contagions, or remove them suddenly, when they appeared?

Neither would regulations be effectual, as they related to the
protection of the slaves in the West Indies. It might, perhaps, be
enacted, as Mr. Vaughan had suggested, that their punishments should be
moderate; and that the number of lashes should be limited. But the
colonial legislatures had already done as much, as the magic of words
alone could do, upon this subject; yet the evidence upon the table
clearly proved, that the only protection of slaves was in the clemency
of their masters. Any barbarity might be exercised with impunity,
provided no White person were to see it, though it happened in the sight
of a thousand slaves. Besides, by splitting the offence, and inflicting
the punishment at intervals, the law could be evaded, although the fact
was within the reach of the evidence of a White man. Of this evasion
Captain Cook, of the 89th regiment, had given a shocking instance; and
Chief Justice Ottley had candidly confessed, that "he could devise no
method of bringing a master, so offending, to justice, while the
evidence of the slave continued inadmissible." But perhaps councils of
protection, and guardians of the slaves, might be appointed. This,
again, was an expedient which sounded well, but which would be nugatory
and absurd. What person would risk the comfort of his life by the
exercise of so invidious an interference? But supposing that one or two
individuals could be f