irst observe, that, if this argument was worth anything, it applied
just as much to gradual as to immediate abolition. He had no doubt,
that, at whatever period we should say the trade should cease; it would
be equally, set up; for it would certainly be just as good an argument
against the measure in seventy years hence, as it was against it now. It
implied also, that Parliament had no right to stop the importations: but
had this detestable traffic received such a sanction, as placed it more
out of the jurisdiction of the legislature for ever after, than any
other branch of our trade? In what a situation did the proposition of
his honourable friend place the legislature of Great Britain! It was
scarcely possible to lay a duty on anyone article, which might not in
someway affect the property of individuals. But if the laws respecting
the Slave Trade implied a contract for its perpetual continuance, the
House could never regulate any other of the branches of our national
commerce.

But any contract for the promotion of this trade must, in his opinion,
have been void from the beginning: for if it was an outrage upon
justice, and only another name for fraud, robbery, and murder, what
pledge could devolve upon the legislature to incur the obligation of
becoming principals in the commission of such enormities by sanctioning
their continuance?

But he would appeal to the acts themselves. That of 23 George II. c. 31,
was the one upon which the greatest stress was laid. How would the House
be surprised to hear that the very outrages committed in the prosecution
of this trade had been forbidden by that act! "No master of a ship
trading to Africa," says the act, "shall by fraud, force, or violence,
or by any indirect practice whatever, take on board or carry away from
that coast any Negro, or native of that country, or commit any violence
on the natives, to the prejudice of the said trade; and every person so
offending, shall for every such offence forfeit one hundred pounds." But
the whole trade had been demonstrated to be a system of fraud, force,
and violence; and therefore the contract was daily violated, under which
the Parliament allowed it to continue.

But why had the trade ever been permitted at all? The preamble of the
act would show: "Whereas the trade to and from Africa is very
advantageous to Great Britain, and necessary for supplying the
Plantations and Colonies thereunto belonging with a sufficient number of
Negr