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titutionality. Washington had doubted it, and submitted the
question to two of his Cabinet--Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Hamilton. They
were divided in opinion--Mr. Jefferson opposing, and Mr. Hamilton
sustaining the constitutionality of the measure. The opinion and
argument of Hamilton prevailed, and the act creating a bank received
the Executive approval.
It answered admirably the object of its creation, and the Republican
party (then in embryo) acquiesced. Indeed, at this time, there could
scarcely be said to be a party separate from the Government. Mr.
Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson were the leaders of the parties which
divided the people upon the adoption of the Constitution, and these
parties, though at this time inchoate, were concreting about these two
wonderful men. Upon the renewal of the charter of the United States
Bank, during the Administration of Mr. Madison, the Republican party
again mooted its constitutionality; but its undisputed usefulness had
won for it immense popularity, and there were many who, though acting
with the Republicans, were willing (as Washington had approved it, and
the Supreme Court had pronounced it constitutional) to view the
question as settled, and vote to renew the charter.
It was subsequent to the veto of Mr. Madison (when he had reconsidered
his action, and recommended the re-chartering of the bank,) that
debates ensued, in which the question was exhausted. In these debates,
Mr. Crawford, Mr. Clay, Felix Grundy, William B. Giles, and Mr. Calhoun
led. They were continued through several sessions, up to 1816, when
they ultimated in the chartering of the last bank of the United States.
This charter expired during the Administration of General Jackson, and
by him the bank was finally crushed.
Three great measures constituted what was then termed the American
System--the United States Bank, a protective tariff, and internal
improvements within the States by the General Government. An opposition
to this party was formed at the very outset of the Adams
Administration. This opposition denied the constitutional power of
Congress to create or sustain either.
The South, at the commencement of this opposition, was almost alone.
The North was a unit in its support of the Administration, because its
policy was vital to her interests. The West, influenced by Mr. Clay,
was greatly in the majority in its support. The Southern opposition
seemed almost hopeless; and to this cause may, in a great de
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