rocal antipathies doubling the
danger.

The colonizing plan on foot has, as far as it extends, a due
regard to these requisites; with the additional object of
bestowing new blessings, civil and religious, on the quarter of
the Globe most in need of them. The Society proposes to
transport to the African coast all free and freed blacks who may
be willing to remove thither; to provide by fair means, and, it
is understood, with a prospect of success, a suitable territory
for their reception; and to initiate them into such an
establishment as may gradually and indefinitely expand itself.

The experiment, under this view of it, merits encouragement from
all who regard slavery as an evil, who wish to see it diminished
and abolished by peaceable and just means, and who have
themselves no better mode to propose. Those who have most doubted
the success of the experiment must, at least, have wished to find
themselves in an error.

But the views of the Society are limited to the case of blacks,
already free, or who may be _gratuitously_ emancipated. To
provide a commensurate remedy for the evil, the plan must be
extended to the great mass of blacks, and must embrace a fund
sufficient to induce the master, as well as the slave, to concur
in it. Without the concurrence of the master, the benefit will be
very limited as it relates to the negroes, and essentially
defective as it relates to the United States; and the concurrence
of masters must, for the most part, be obtained by purchase.

Can it be hoped that voluntary contributions, however adequate to
an auspicious commencement, will supply the sums necessary to
such an enlargement of the remedy? May not another question be
asked? Would it be reasonable to throw so great a burden on the
individuals distinguished by their philanthropy and patriotism?

The object to be obtained, as an object of humanity, appeals
alike to all; as a national object, it claims the interposition
of the nation. It is the nation which is to reap the benefit. The
nation, therefore, ought to bear the burden.

Must, then, the enormous sums required to pay for, to transport,
and to establish in a foreign land, all the slaves in the United
States, as their masters may be willing to part with them, be
taxed on the good p