gn was a marvel of efficient business
organization. Its promoters made use of every device known to the
advertising profession; the best brains were employed, and the country
was blanketed with preparedness propaganda.

Officers of the Army and Navy were frank in insisting that the defense
of the United States was adequately provided for. (See testimony of
General Nelson A. Miles. _Congressional Record_, February 3, 1916, p.
2265.) Still the preparedness campaign continued with vigor. Congressman
Clyde H. Tavenner in his speech, "The Navy League Unmasked," showed why.
He gave facts like those appearing in George R. Kirkpatrick's book,
"War, What For"; in F. C. Howe's "Why War," and in J. A. Hobson's
"Imperialism," showing that, in the words of an English authority,
"patriotism at from 10 to 15 per cent is a temptation for the best of
citizens."

Tavenner established the connection between the preparedness campaign
and those who were making profits out of the powder business, the nickel
business, the copper business, and the steel business, interlocked
through interlocking directorates; then he established the connection
between the Navy League and the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., 23 Wall St.,
New York. Regarding this connection, Congressman Tavenner said, "The
Navy League upon close examination would appear to be little more than a
branch office of the house of J. P. Morgan & Co., and a general sales
promotion bureau for the various armor and munition makers and the
steel, nickel, copper and zinc interests."[45]

The preparedness movement came from the business interests. It was
fostered and financed by the plutocrats. It was their first successful
effort at winning public confidence, and so well was it managed that
millions of Americans fell into line, fired by the love of the flag and
the world-old devotion to family and fireside.

5. _Patriots_

From preparedness to patriotism was an easy step. The preparedness
advocates had evoked the spirit of the founders of American democracy
and worked upon the emotions of the people until it was generally
understood that those who favored preparedness were patriots.

Plutocratic patriotism was accepted by the press, the pulpit, the
college, and every other important channel of public information in the
United States. Editors, ministers, professors and lawyers proclaimed it
as though it were their own. Randolph Bourne, in a brilliant article
(_Seven Arts_, July, 1917) re