as proof of the continuance of the spirit of
conciliation "among those classes of our countrymen who have hitherto
held aloof from us"--a spirit which had already led to such happy
results in the abolition of landlordism "by common consent," and which
was capable of "still wider and more blessed results in the direction
of a National Parliament of our own." The resolution also expressed
gratification "at the statesmanlike spirit in which Mr Redmond has
greeted the establishment of the new Association." It will be observed
that there was here a clear line of demarcation. Mr O'Brien and his
friends wanted, in moderate and guarded language, without in any way
binding themselves "to the particular views set forth in the programme
of the Irish Reform Association," to give a message of encouragement
to a body of Irish Unionists, who, as Sir Edward Carson, _The
Times_ and every other enemy of Home Rule declared, had become
converts to the National demand for self-government and who looked
likely to bring the bulk of the Protestant minority in Ireland with
them. Mr Dillon and those who thought with him savagely repelled this
movement towards a national unity which would embrace all classes and
creeds to the forgetfulness of past wrongs, animosities and deep
divisions. It seemed to have got into their minds that the appearance
of the Irish Reform Association covered some occult plot between Lord
Dunraven, Mr Wyndham, Sir Antony MacDonnell and Mr O'Brien. Mr Davitt
declared that "No party or leader can consent to accept the Dunraven
substitute without betraying a national trust." Others of lesser note
denounced the new movement and its authors with every circumstance of
insult and used language of a coarseness that deserves the severest
condemnation.

Mr Joseph Devlin, who had succeeded Mr John O'Donnell as Secretary of
the United Irish League, now began to be a rather considerable figure
in Irish politics on the Dillonite side. He told his constituents in
North Kilkenny that they were not going to seek "the co-operation of a
few aristocratic nobodies," and he, quite unjustly, as I conceive,
attributed to Lord Dunraven and his friends a desire to weaken the
national demand.

During this time the Government had given no sign that the Devolution
movement might not find favour in their sight. Had its main objects
met with a more cordial reception from the arbiters of the national
policy it is more than probable that the Unionist G