r the forcible curtain-lecture. I am lost without the trenchant and
candid Mrs. Caudle. I really do not know what to do with the prostrate
and penitent Miss Pankhurst. This surrender of the modern woman has taken
us all so much by surprise that it is desirable to pause a moment, and
collect our wits about what she is really saying.

As I have already remarked, there is one very simple answer to all this;
these are not the modern women, but about one in two thousand of the
modern women. This fact is important to a democrat; but it is of very
little importance to the typically modern mind. Both the characteristic
modern parties believed in a government by the few; the only difference
is whether it is the Conservative few or Progressive few. It might
be put, somewhat coarsely perhaps, by saying that one believes in any
minority that is rich and the other in any minority that is mad. But in
this state of things the democratic argument obviously falls out for the
moment; and we are bound to take the prominent minority, merely
because it is prominent. Let us eliminate altogether from our minds the
thousands of women who detest this cause, and the millions of women who
have hardly heard of it. Let us concede that the English people itself
is not and will not be for a very long time within the sphere of
practical politics. Let us confine ourselves to saying that these
particular women want a vote and to asking themselves what a vote is. If
we ask these ladies ourselves what a vote is, we shall get a very
vague reply. It is the only question, as a rule, for which they are not
prepared. For the truth is that they go mainly by precedent; by the mere
fact that men have votes already. So far from being a mutinous movement,
it is really a very Conservative one; it is in the narrowest rut of
the British Constitution. Let us take a little wider and freer sweep of
thought and ask ourselves what is the ultimate point and meaning of this
odd business called voting.

*****

VIII. THE BRAND OF THE FLEUR-DE-LIS

Seemingly from the dawn of man all nations have had governments; and
all nations have been ashamed of them. Nothing is more openly fallacious
than to fancy that in ruder or simpler ages ruling, judging and
punishing appeared perfectly innocent and dignified. These things were
always regarded as the penalties of the Fall; as part of the humiliation
of mankind, as bad in themselves. That the king can do no wrong was
never any