ear
for their loved ones is added the dread of hunger. Tens of thousands of
wounded and mutilated warriors will soon be added to these. We consider
it our most compelling duty to help them, to lighten their burdens and
relieve their distress.[77] (Loud applause.)

[Footnote 77: There is every reason to believe that the party has worked
hard to keep this promise.--Author.]

"In case of a victory for Russian despotism, which is already stained
with the blood of Russia's best sons, much--if not everything--is at
stake for our people and our free future. It is a question of averting
this danger, and of securing the culture and independence of our own
country. (Loud applause.)

"Now we will redeem our oft repeated pledge: In the hour of danger we
shall not leave our Fatherland in the lurch. (Loud applause.) Thereby,
we feel ourselves in unison with the principles of internationalism
which have always admitted the right of each single people to national
independence and national defence. We condemn, as internationalism does,
every war of conquest.

"We demand, that, as soon as the goal of security has been attained and
our enemies are inclined to make peace, the war shall end by a peace
that will make friendship with neighbouring countries possible. We
demand this, not only in the interests of the international solidarity
for which we have uniformly fought, but also in the interests of the
German nation.

"We hope that the cruel school of war's sufferings will awaken a horror
for war in new millions, and win them over to the socialistic ideal and
international peace. Guided by these principles we vote in favour of the
war loan. (Loud applause.)"[78]

[Footnote 78: _Leipziger Volkszeitung_, August 5th.]

A short historical comparison will assist in making the Social
Democratic action still clearer. In 1870, when Bismarck asked the
Reichstag for a war credit to prosecute the campaign against France, the
Socialists were few and helpless. Yet Liebknecht and Bebel refused to
vote in its favour. "Their moral demonstration was in itself perfectly
logical, for Bismarck's and Napoleon III.'s intrigues equally deserved
condemnation."[79]

[Footnote 79: Kautsky: "Die Internationalitat und der Krieg," p. 19.]

Apparently it did not occur to the Democrats in 1914, that probably
Germany had again been guilty of intrigues. It is noteworthy, however,
that the small party in 1870 protested when a national issue was at
stake, while