it they were
followed by General Trochu. The patriotism and enthusiasm of Gambetta
were undeniable, but he was imbued with the principles and memories of
the French Revolution, including the efficacy of national volunteers,
the ability of France to resist all Europe, and the subordination of
military to civil authority. Consequently, in a time of stress he nagged
the generals and interfered, and gave free rein to Freycinet to do the
same. They upset plans made by experienced generals, and sent civilians
to spy over them, with power to retire them from command. They were,
moreover, trying to thrust a republic down the throats of a hostile
majority of the population, for a large proportion of those not
Bonapartists were in favor of a monarchy. The wonder is, therefore, that
France was able to do so much. M. de Freycinet was not boasting when he
wrote later, "Alone, without allies, without leaders, without an army,
deprived for the first time of communication with its capital, it
resisted for five months, with improvised resources, a formidable enemy
that the regular armies of the Empire, though made up of heroic
soldiers, had not been able to hold back five weeks."[3]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Moritz Busch, _Bismarck_, vol. 1, chap. 1.

[2] He surrendered by order of the Government. The isolated incident of
the resistance of the town of Bitche through all the war is no less
noteworthy.

[3] _La guerre en province_, quoted by Welschinger, _La guerre de 1870_,
vol. II, p. 295.

CHAPTER III

THE ADMINISTRATION OF ADOLPHE THIERS

February, 1871, to May, 1873

The elections were held in hot haste. The short time allowed before the
convening of the Assembly made the usual campaign impossible. It met at
Bordeaux on February 13, 1871. The peace party was in very considerable
majority, and though Gambetta received the distinction of a multiple
election in nine separate districts, Thiers was chosen in twenty-six.
The radicals and advocates of guerilla warfare and of a "guerre a
outrance" found themselves few in numbers. Many of the representatives
had only local or rural reputation. They were new to parliamentary life,
and in the majority of cases were averse to a permanent republican form
of government. They would have preferred a monarchy, but they were ready
to accept a provisional republic which would incur the task of settling
the war with Germany and bear the onus of defeat. They were especially
suspicious of Paris,