to reduce the prerogative within very narrow limits. All menaces
therefore, all promises, were in vain employed against the king's
resolution: he never would be prevailed on to desert his friends, and
put himself into the hands of his enemies. And having voluntarily made
such important concessions, and tendered, over and over again, such
strong limitations, he was well pleased to find them rejected by the
obstinacy of the commons; and hoped that, after the spirit of opposition
had spent itself in fruitless violence, the time would come, when he
might safely appeal against his parliament to his people.

So much were the popular leaders determined to carry matters to
extremities, that in less than a week after the commencement of the
session, a motion was made for bringing in an exclusion bill, and a
committee was appointed for that purpose. This bill differed in nothing
from the former, but in two articles, which showed still an increase of
zeal in the commons: the bill was to be read to the people twice a year
in all the churches of the kingdom; and every one who should support the
duke's title, was rendered incapable of receiving a pardon but by act of
parliament.

The debates were carried on with great violence on both sides. The bill
was defended by Sir William Jones, who had now resigned his office of
attorney-general, by Lord Russel, by Sir Francis Winnington, Sir Harry
Capel, Sir William Pulteney, by Colonel Titus, Treby, Hambden, Montague.
It was opposed by Sir Leoline Jenkins, secretary of state, Sir John
Ernley, chancellor of the exchequer, by Hyde, Seymour, Temple. The
arguments transmitted to us may be reduced to the following topics.

In every government, said the exclusionists, there is some-where an
authority absolute and supreme; nor can any determination, how unusual
soever, which receives the sanction of the legislature, admit afterwards
of dispute or control. The liberty of a constitution, so far from
diminishing this absolute power, seems rather to add force to it, and to
give it greater influence over the people. The more members of the state
concur in any legislative decision, and the more free their voice,
the less likelihood is there that any opposition will be made to
those measures which receive the final sanction of their authority. In
England, the legislative power is lodged in king, lords, and commons,
which comprehend every order of the community; and there is no pretext
for exempting any