slature, as a deliberative check to the impetus of the majority,
like our House of Lords), having latterly become virtually nothing more
than a second congress, receiving instructions, and submissive to them,
like a pledged representative. This is what Washington did not foresee.

Washington was himself an aristocrat; he shewed it in every way. He was
difficult of access, except to the higher classes. He carried state in
his outward show, always wearing his uniform as General of the Forces,
and attended by a guard of honour. Indeed, one letter of Washington's
proves that he was rather doubtful as to the working of the new
government shortly after it had been constituted. He says:--

"Among men of reflection few will be found, I believe, who are not
_beginning_ to think that our system is better in _theory_ than in
_practice_, and that notwithstanding the _boasted virtue_ of America, it
is more than probable we shall exhibit the _last melancholy proof_, that
mankind are incompetent to their own government without _the means of
coercion in the sovereign_." [Washington's letter to Chief Justice Jay,
10th March, 1787.]

This is a pretty fair admission from such high authority; and fifty
years have proved the wisdom and foresight of the observation.
Gradually as the aristocracy of the country wore out (for there was an
aristocracy at that time in America), and the people became less and
less enlightened, so did they encroach upon the constitution. President
after president gradually laid down the insignia and outward appearance
of rank, the senate became less and less respectable, and the people
more and more authoritative.

M. Tocqueville says, "When the American revolution broke out,
distinguished political characters arose in great numbers; for public
opinion then served, not to tyrannise over, but to direct the exertions
of individuals. Those celebrated men took a full part in the general
agitation of mind common at that period, and they attained a high degree
of personal fame, which was reflected back upon the nation, but which
was by no means borrowed from it."

It was not, however, until the presidency of General Jackson, that the
democratic party may be said to have made any serious inroads upon the
constitution. Their previous advances were indeed sure, but they were,
comparatively speaking, slow; but, raised as he was to the office of
President by the mob, the demagogues who led the mob obtained the