l more true of any attempt that may be made at
federation between Great Britain and Ireland. No corrections which could
be made in the Gladstonian or any other constitution would make it work
exactly on the lines laid down by its framers. Even if it were revised
in accordance with Mr. Dicey's criticism, it would probably be found, as
in the case of the American Constitution, that few of the dangers which
were most feared for it had beset it, and that some of the
inconveniences which were most distinctly foreseen as likely to arise
from it were among the things which had materially contributed to its
success. History is full of the gentle ridicule which the course of
events throws on statesmen and philosophers.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 24: Printed in the earlier part of this volume.]

[Footnote 25: Essay on the Rise and Progress of the Arts and Sciences.]

THE "UNIONIST" CASE FOR HOME RULE.

BY R. BARRY O'BRIEN.

I am often asked, What are the best books to read on the Irish question?
and I never fail to mention Mr. Lecky's _Leaders of Public Opinion in
Ireland_ and the _History of England in the Eighteenth Century_; Mr.
Goldwin Smith's _Irish History and Irish Character, Three English
Statesmen, The Irish Question_, and Professor Dicey's admirable work,
_England's Case against Home Rule_.

Indeed, the case for Home Rule, as stated in these books, is
unanswerable; and it redounds to the credit of Mr. Lecky, Mr. Goldwin
Smith, and Mr. Dicey that their narrative of facts should in no wise be
prejudiced by their political opinions.

That their facts are upon one side and their opinions on the other is a
minor matter. Their facts, I venture to assert, have made more Home
Rulers than their opinions can unmake.

To put this assertion to the test I propose to quote some extracts from
the works above mentioned. These extracts shall be full and fair.
Nothing shall be left out that can in the slightest degree qualify any
statement of fact in the context. Arguments will be omitted, for I wish
to place facts mainly before my readers. From these facts they can draw
their own conclusions. Neither shall I take up space with comments of my
own. I shall call my witnesses and let them speak for themselves.

I.--MR. LECKY.

In the introduction to the new edition of the _Leaders of Public Opinion
in Ireland_, published in 1871--seventy-one years after Mr. Pitt's
Union, which was to make England and Ireland one nation--we