e's army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it
out of existence. But no paper compromise to which the controllers of
Lee's army are not agreed can at all affect that army. In an effort at
such compromise we should waste time which the enemy would improve to
our disadvantage; and that would be all. A compromise, to be
effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army,
or with the people first liberated from the domination of that army by
the success of our own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word
or intimation from that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling
it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge
or belief. All charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive
and groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall
hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I
freely acknowledge myself the servant of the people, according to the
bond of service,--the United States Constitution,--and that, as such, I
am responsible to them.

But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite
likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon
that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I
suppose you do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any
measure which is not consistent with even your views, provided you are
for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation, to which you
replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked
you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from
greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by other means.

You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it
retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I
think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of
war in time of war. The most that can be said--if so much--is, that
slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that,
by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken
when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts
the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when they
cannot use it, and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy.
Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt
the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. A