ith his general scheme. His tolerance
of McClellan and his support of Stanton, both of whom by sympathy and
training were Democrats, reveal the comprehensive power of his
endurance. As the election of 1864 approached to test the success of his
generalship, he had to fight not only for a majority in the general
canvass but for the nomination by his own party.

There were many men in 1864 who believed that the war was a mistake and
that Lincoln was a failure. The peace Democrats denounced him as a
military dictator; to the radical Republicans he was spineless and
irresolute. Within his own Cabinet there was dissension that would have
unnerved a less steady man. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, wanted
to be President, and had allowed his friends to intrigue in his behalf,
yet had not withdrawn from the counsels of his rival. At various times
he had threatened to resign, but Lincoln had shut his eyes to this
infidelity and had coaxed him back. Not until after the President had
been renominated did he accept the resignation of Chase, and even then
he was willing to make the latter Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

Chase, in the Cabinet and in touch with dissatisfied Republicans
outside, was a menace to impartial administration. Less distressing, but
noisier than he, was John C. Fremont, the first nominee of the party,
who had sulked in the midst of admiring friends since Lincoln had
removed him from important military service in 1861. About him the
extreme abolitionists were gathered, and in his favor there was held a
convention in May, 1864. But this dissenting movement collapsed upon
itself before the elections in November.

The Republicans went into convention at Baltimore, on June 7, 1864. The
candidacy of Chase had faded, that of Fremont was already unimportant,
and the renomination of Lincoln was assured. But the party carefully
concealed its name and, catering to loyalists of whatever brand, it
called itself "Union," and invited to its support all men to whom the
successful prosecution of the war was the first great duty. It was a
Union party in fact as well as name. Delegations of Democrats came to it
from the border States, and from one of these the convention picked a
loyal Democrat for the Vice-Presidency. With Lincoln and Andrew Johnson
on its ticket, with a platform silent upon the protective tariff, and
with an organization so imperfect that no roll of delegates could be
made until the convention had