ological study of the forces of American society.

Practical politics in America was at its lowest level in the thirty
years after the Civil War. The United States was politically fatigued
after the years of contest and turned eagerly to the business
speculations that opened in every direction. Offices were left to those
who chose to run them, while public scrutiny of public acts was
materially reduced. The men in charge, unwatched in their business, used
it often for personal advantage, and were aided in this by the character
of both the electoral machinery and the electorate. A multitude of
offices had to be kept filled in every State and city by voters who
could know little of the candidates and who accepted the recommendation
implied in the party name. Control of the nominations meant control of
the elections, and was within reach of those who were persistent in
attending caucuses and conventions and were not too scrupulous in
manipulating them. The laws against bribery at the polls did not touch
corruption at the primaries. The cities, rapidly growing through
manufactures and immigration, were full of voters who could be trained
to support the "bosses" who befriended them.

The American "boss" made his appearance in the cities about 1870. His
power was based upon his personal influence with voters of the lower and
more numerous class. Gaining control of party machinery he dictated
nominations and policies, and used the government, as the exposures of
the Tweed Ring showed, to enrich his friends and to perpetuate his
power. Caring little for party principle, he made a close alliance with
the new business that continually needed new laws,--building laws,
transportation laws, terminal rights, or franchises. From these allies
came the funds for managing elections, and, too often, for direct
bribery, although this last was necessary only rarely.

Exposures of the evil of boss government were frequent after 1870, and
in most cities occasional revolts of outraged citizens overturned the
machines, but in the long run the citizen was no match for the
professional politician. In the unequal contest city government became
steadily worse in America at a time when European city government was
rapidly improving. States, too, were afflicted with machine politics,
and before 1890 it appeared that the dominant national party derived its
most valuable support from organized business that profited by the
partnership.

A minority