education of the masses that would otherwise have required a
generation."[288]

Kautsky's conception of the probable struggle of the future shows that,
together with the millions of Socialists he represents, he expects the
great crisis to develop gradually out of the present-day struggle. He
does not expect a precipitate and comparatively brief struggle like the
French Revolution, but rather "long-drawn-out civil wars, if one does
not necessarily give to these words the idea of actual slaughter and
battles."

"We are revolutionists," Kautsky concludes, "and this is not in the
sense that a steam engine is a revolutionist. The social transformation
for which we are striving can be attained only through a political
revolution, by means of the conquest of political power by the fighting
proletariat. The only form of the State in which Socialism can be
realized is that of a republic, and a thoroughly democratic republic at
that.

"The Socialist Party is a revolutionary party, but not a
revolution-making party. We know that our goal can be obtained only
through a revolution. We also know that it is just as little in our
power to create this revolution as it is in the power of our opponents
to prevent it."[289]

The influential French Socialist, Guesde, agrees with Kautsky that a
peaceful solution is highly improbable, and that the revolution must be
one of an overwhelming majority of the people, not artificially created,
but brought about by the ruling classes themselves.

Of course a peaceful revolution might be accomplished gradually and by
the most orderly means. If, however, these peaceful and legal means are
later made illegal, or widely interfered with, if the ballot is
qualified or political democracy otherwise thwarted, or if the peaceful
acts of labor organizations, with the extension of government ownership,
are looked upon as mutiny or treason,--then undoubtedly the working
people will regard as enemies those who attempt to legalize such
reaction, and will employ all available means to overthrow a
"government" of such a kind.

From Marx and Bebel none of the most prominent spokesmen of the
international movement have doubted that the capitalists would use such
violent and extreme measures as to create a world-wide
counter-revolution, and began to make their preparations accordingly.
This is why, half a century ago, they passed beyond mere "revolutionary
talk," to "revolutionary action." This p