uity, it was maddening to be thus assured that their whole
"platform" was unconstitutional. In the long run, there seems to be no
doubt that Taney helped the cause of freedom. He had tried to make
evident the personal sense of compassion for "these unfortunate people"
with which he contemplated the opinion that he ascribed to a past
generation; but he failed to do this, and instead he succeeded in
imparting to the supposed Constitutional view of the slave, as nothing
but a chattel, a horror which went home to many thousands of the
warm-hearted men and women of his country.

For the time, however, the Republicans were deeply depressed, and a
further perplexity shortly befell them. An attempt, to which we must
shortly return, was made to impose the slave system on Kansas against
the now unmistakable will of the majority there. Against this attempt
Douglas, in opposition to whom the Republican party had been formed,
revolted to his lasting honour, and he now stood out for the occasion
as the champion of freedom. It was at this late period of bewilderment
and confusion that the life-story of Abraham Lincoln became one with
the life-story of the American people.

CHAPTER V

THE RISE OF LINCOLN

1. _Lincoln's Return to Public Life_.

We possess a single familiar letter in which Lincoln opened his heart
about politics. It was written while old political ties were not yet
quite broken and new ties not quite knit, and it was written to an old
and a dear friend who was not his political associate. We may
fittingly place it here, as a record of the strong and conflicting
feelings out of which his consistent purpose in this crisis was formed.

"_24 August, 1855_.

"To JOSHUA SPEED.

"You know what a poor correspondent I am. Ever since I received your
very agreeable letter of the 22nd I have been intending to write you an
answer to it. You suggest that in political action, now, you and I
would differ. I suppose we would; not quite so much, however, as you
may think. You know I dislike slavery, and you fully admit the
abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. But you
say that sooner than yield your legal right to the slave, especially at
the bidding of those who are not themselves interested, you would see
the Union dissolved. I am not aware that any one is bidding you yield
that right; very certainly I am not. I leave that matter entirely to
yourself. I also acknowledge your righ