nsisted as the
only means of really giving influence to the common people. The
prevailing system and habit of local self-government made such
organisation easy. Men of one party in a township or in a county
assembled, formulated their opinions, and sent delegates with
instructions, more or less precise, to party conventions for larger
areas, these would send delegates to the State Convention and these in
turn to the National Convention of the Party. The party candidates for
the Presidency, as well as for all other elective positions, were and are
thus chosen, and the party "platform" or declaration of policy was and is
thus formulated. Such machinery, which in England is likely always to
play a less important part, has acquired an evil name. At the best there
has always been a risk that a "platform" designed to detach voters from
the opposite party will be an insincere and eviscerated document, by
which active public opinion is rather muzzled than expressed. There has
been a risk too that the "available" candidate should be some blameless
nonentity, to whom no one objects, and whom therefore no one really
wants. But it must be observed that the rapidity with which such
organisation was taken up betokened the prevalence of a widespread and
keen interest in political affairs.

The days of really great moneyed interests and of corruption of the
gravest sort were as yet far distant, but one demoralising influence was
imposed upon the new party system by its author at its birth. Jackson,
in his perpetual fury, believed that office holders under the more or
less imaginary ruling clique that had held sway were a corrupt gang, and
he began to turn them out. He was encouraged to extend to the whole
country a system which had prevailed in New York and with which Van Buren
was too familiar. "To the victors belong the spoils," exclaimed a
certain respectable Mr. Marcy. A wholesale dismissal of office holders
large and small, and replacement of them by sound Democrats, soon took
place. Once started, the "spoils system" could hardly be stopped.
Thenceforward there was a standing danger that the party machine would be
in the hands of a crew of jobbers and dingy hunters after petty offices.
England, of course, has had and now has practices theoretically as
indefensible, but none possessing any such sinister importance. It is
hard, therefore, for us to conceive how little of really vicious intent
was necessary to set this d