iefs should be consulted first about the boundary line.
This was a bold stroke; they were professing to be representing the
interests of certain chiefs, which was not the case.

Lord Derby telegraphed to the Cape on the 27th of Feb. 1884, the result
of the protracted labours of the Conference at Downing Street,
mentioning:--"British Protectorate established outside the Transvaal,
with Delegates' consent. Debt reduced to quarter of a million."[17] To
many persons it seems that the Convention of 1884, rather than the
Convention of 1881, was the real blunder. It is remarkable, however, as
illustrating the small attention which South African affairs then
received, that no party controversy was aroused over this later
instrument. Very soon afterwards, however, the question became acute,
owing to the action of Mr. Kruger; and then, it must be remembered, that
Mr. Gladstone did not hesitate to appeal to the armed strength of the
Empire in order to defend British interests and prevent the extension of
Boer rule. That there was not war in 1884 was due only to the fact that
Mr. Kruger at that time did not choose to fight. The raiders and
filibusters were put down before by Sir Charles Warren's force, but Mr.
Gladstone had taken every precaution in view of the contingency of a
collision.

The conditions laid down in the Convention did not satisfy the
Delegates, although they formally assented to them. Their disappointment
began to be strongly manifested. They had stoutly denied that slavery
existed in their country. This denial was challenged by the Secretary
of the Aborigines Protection Society, who brought forward some very
awkward testimonies and facts of recent date. It was suggested that
President Kruger should for ever silence the calumniators by demanding a
Commission of enquiry on this subject which would take evidence within
and round the Transvaal as they might see fit. The Delegates took good
care not to accept this challenge. The firmness of the British
Government at that moment was fully justified by the actual facts of the
case which came so strikingly before them, and their attitude was
supported by public opinion, so far as this public opinion in England
then existed. It was the Transvaal deputation itself which had most
effectually developed it when they first arrived in London, though it
was known they had many friends, and that numbers of the public were
generally quite willing to consider their claims.[18] The