ave now reached the point, Gentlemen, where it becomes necessary
that, in order to avoid a possible gross misapprehension of what I
have to say, I explain what I mean by the term 'bourgeoisie' or 'great
bourgeoisie,' as the designation of a political party--that I define
what the word 'bourgeoisie' means in my use of it.

"The word 'bourgeoisie' might be translated into German by the term
_Buergertum_ (citizenship, or the body of citizens). But that is not the
meaning actually attached to the word. We are all citizens--workingmen,
petty burghers, commercial aristocracy and all the rest alike. On the
other hand the word 'bourgeoisie' has, in the course of historical
development, come to designate a particular political bias and
movement which I will now go on to characterize.

"At the time of the French Revolution, and, indeed, even yet, that entire
body of subjects which is not of noble birth, was roughly divided into
two sub-classes: First the class comprising those persons who, wholly or
chiefly, get their income from their own labor and are without capital,
or are, at the most, possessed of but a moderate capital which affords
them the means of carrying on some employment from which they and their
families derive their subsistence. This class comprises the
workingmen, the lower middle classes (_Kleinbuerger_), the citizen
class and also the body of the peasants. The second class is made up
of those persons who have the disposal of a large property, of a large
capital, and who are producers or receivers of income on the basis of
their possession of capital. These latter might be called the great
burghers or commoners, or the capitalist gentry. But such a great
burgher or capitalist gentleman, is not by reason of that fact a
bourgeois. No commoner has any objection to raise because a nobleman
in the bosom of his family finds comfort in his pedigree and in his
lands. But when, on the other hand, this nobleman insists on making
such pedigree or such landed property the basis of a peculiar
importance and prerogative in the State, when he insists on making
them a ground for controlling public policy, then the commoner takes
offense at the nobleman and calls him a feudalist.

"The case is entirely similar as regards the distinctions in respect
of property within the body of commoners.

"That the capitalist gentleman in his chamber takes pleasure in the