ential disregard, was
eager for extremes. Johnson, who regarded himself as defending the
Constitution against radical assaults, was stubborn, irascible, and
undignified, and with his associates was no match in political strategy
for his radical opponents.

The average Republican or Unionist in the North, if he had not been
brought by skillful misrepresentation to believe a new rebellion
impending in the South, was at any rate painfully alive to the fear that
the Democratic party might regain power. With the freeing of the slaves,
the representation of the South in Congress would be increased. At first
it seemed that the South might divide in politics as before the war, but
the longer the delay the more the Southern whites tended to unite
into one party acting with the Democrats. With their eighty-five
representatives and a slight reaction in the North, they might gain
control of the lower House of Congress. The Union-Republican party had
a majority of less than one hundred in 1866, and this was lessened
slightly in the Fortieth Congress. The President was for all practical
purposes a Democrat again. The prospect was too much for the very human
politicians to view without distress. Stevens, speaking in support of
the Military Reconstruction Bill, said:

"There are several good reasons for the passage of this bill. In
the first place, it is just. I am now confining my argument to Negro
suffrage in the rebel states. Have not loyal blacks quite as good a
right to choose rulers and make laws as rebel whites? In the second
place, it is necessary in order to protect the loyal white men in the
seceded states. With them the blacks would act in a body, and it is
believed that in each of these states, except one, the two united would
form a majority, control the states, and protect themselves. Now they
are the victims of daily murder. They must suffer constant persecution
or be exiled. Another good reason is that it would insure the ascendancy
of the union party.... I believe... that on the continued ascendancy
of that party depends the safety of this great nation. If impartial
suffrage is excluded in the rebel states, then every one of them is
sure to send a solid rebel electoral vote. They, with their kindred
Copperheads of the North, would always elect the President and control
Congress."

The laws passed on the 2d and the 23d of March were war measures and
presupposed a continuance of war conditions. The Lincoln-Johnson sta