ted offices
within the people's gift, was a man of strict integrity and the
mildest character in his private connexions, though as a politician he
was distinguished for his disregard of truth, his violence, and his
use of any means to carry the ends which his party espoused. And on
the other hand we hear men whose private vices are notorious--profane,
profligate, unprincipled--commended for the consistency and purity of
their political course. Is not this wrong, is it not deplorable? Shall
we for a moment countenance this distinction between public and
private character, as if they were not subject to the same principles
of moral judgment? Shall they in whose veins Puritan blood runs freely
admit a doctrine, the bare mention of which would have made Winthrop
and Bradford and a thousand more like them tremble with horror? It
came not from them, it does not belong to the New England soil. It
came from the corrupt Courts of Europe, from ages when Christianity
was scarcely known, and from scenes where its influence was unfelt. To
the Old World let it be restored; to past ages be it consigned. And
let us no more hear the abominable doctrine--as irrational as it is
detestable--that what would be scandalous in private life may be just
and commendable in the management of political affairs. I reaffirm,
that religion should purify the currents of thought and control the
movements, whether secret or open, that belong to this part of human
agency. And if I needed other support for this assertion than is
furnished by the very terms in which it is expressed, I might quote
the words of Washington, who in his _Farewell Address_, after
remarking that "of all the dispositions and habits which lead to
political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable
supports," adds, "In vain would that man claim the tribute of
patriotism who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The
mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and
cherish them." "And let us," he further adds, "with caution indulge
the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to
expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious
principle." Words worthy to be inscribed over every hall of
legislation and every pl