Secrete de la Cour
de Berlin." Among other writings which he produced about this time were
his "Moses Mendelssohn, ou la Reforme politique des Juifs," and his
pamphlet "Denonciation de l'Agiotage," aimed against the policy of
Calonne. Again he was in danger of the _lettre de cachet_, and so he
repaired to Brunswick, where he finished his work "De la Monarchie
Prussienne," which was published in 1788.

Up to 1789, Mirabeau had been a dramatic character, an individual
revelation of theatric passion, a figure-piece single and alone; but the
climax was at hand. The achievement of American independence had been an
object-lesson most potent. Louis and his queen, Marie Antoinette, could
not check the storm, and for the first time in one hundred and
seventy-three years, France was to have an assembly of the nation by its
representatives. The "third estate" was aroused and the States-General
was summoned. Mirabeau, having a deep-rooted desire to provide for
France a government in accord with the wishes and intent of a majority
of the people, and having been rejected by the noblesse of his own
district, presented himself to the "third estate," as a candidate. He
was elected both for Aix and for Marseilles, and he decided to sit for
Aix. Naturally an enthusiast, he was present (May 4, 1789) at the
opening of the States-General, but with excellent sagacity he entered
that body as an independent. To the end of his life, twenty-three months
later, he maintained that independence.

[Illustration: The Third Estate takes refuge in the tennis court.]

When, being shut out in the rain from the great hall of the Estates, the
"third estate" established themselves in the adjacent tennis-court, and
when, being ejected from there, they came together again and forced the
king to recognize them as the representatives of the nation; through all
these earlier and wiser stages of the great revolt, Mirabeau was the
leader and director. But when, on June 5, 1789, a resolution was passed
by the delegates declaring themselves--the people, the Commons of
France--to be the National Assembly, he spoke and worked bravely and
eloquently against abandoning the old order of things before formulating
an exact and sufficient policy as its successor. He declared the action
a hasty one, and finally avoided the issue in the only way possible, by
absenting himself when the vote was taken. And yet, eight days later, at
the close of the royal sitting, he bade the