did Jefferson, the
importance and needs of that vast domain. Spain, as the owner of
Louisiana, held supreme control of New Orleans and the lower
Mississippi.

While Secretary of State under Washington, Jefferson would have been
content with the acquisition of the Island of New Orleans, and the free
navigation of the Mississippi River. Circumstances had now changed. He
was himself president. Spain had suddenly conveyed Louisiana to France,
and Napoleon was meditating the abrogation of the peace of Amiens and
the declaration of war against England. In such a war France could not
well retain her distant possessions against the superior naval power of
her old and grasping enemy. Napoleon had a property which in case of
war, he was likely to lose. He had resolved on war, and for that purpose
needed money, which, fortunately, the American Treasury could furnish at
once.

Instead of the Island of New Orleans the President's dream now embraced
the whole of the Louisiana purchase, extending from the Mississippi
River to the Pacific Ocean.

Livingston, of New York, the associate of Jefferson, in 1776, on the
Committee to frame the Declaration of Independence, was now Minister to
France, but he was unfortunately embarrassed by his committal to the
acquisition of New Orleans alone. Monroe's term, as Governor of
Virginia, had just expired. He had formerly served the country most
acceptably at the French court. He was the devoted friend, personally
and politically, of Jefferson. They were both committed to the "strict
construction" theory of the Constitution. This narrow view of the
instrument, on which their party had come into power, absolutely forbade
the acquisition of territory by purchase. But Louisiana was necessary
not only to the growth, but to the maintenance of the Union. It mattered
not that the professions of the Republican party had to be violated. The
prize outweighed the virtue of party consistency. Jefferson himself was
forced to admit the want of power, but having resolved on the act, he
said: "The less that is said about any constitutional difficulty the
better." Again he said: "It will be desirable for Congress to do what is
necessary in silence."

With these views he despatched Monroe to Paris. For obvious reasons
written instructions were avoided; but it is quite certain that
unlimited discretion to the Minister had resulted from a careful
comparison of views.

It was under these circumstances that in 18