ssia, Belgium, France, and the Balkan
States. The sovereignty of Belgium should be unlimited in future; the
"wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine
... should be righted"; Italian frontiers should be readjusted "along
clearly recognizable lines of nationality"; the peoples of Austria-Hungary
"should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development"; the
relations of the Balkan States should be determined "along historically
established lines of allegiance and nationality"; nationalities under
Turkish rule should receive opportunity for security of life and
autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened
to all nations under international guarantees; an independent Polish state
should be erected to "include the territories inhabited by indisputably
Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to
the sea."

Generally speaking these stipulations seemed to guarantee the moderate
war aims of the Entente and corresponded closely to the demands made by
Lloyd George; they certainly repudiated the extreme purposes attributed
to German imperialists. And yet these eight points were so vague and
capable of such diverse interpretation that, like the first five general
points, they might prove not unattractive to liberals in Germany and
Austria. France was not definitely promised Alsace-Lorraine; any hint at
the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary was carefully avoided; the
readjustment of Italian frontiers might mean much or little. What were
"historically established lines of allegiance and nationality" in the
Balkans? And if Poland were to include only populations "indisputably
Polish," was it possible to assure them "free and secure access to the
sea"? The political advantage in such generalities was obvious. But there
was also great danger. The time might come when both belligerent camps
would accept the Fourteen Points and would still be uncertain of their
meaning and application. The struggle for definite interpretation would
be the real test. The President's fourteenth and last point, however, was
unmistakable and expressed the ideal nearest his heart: "A general
association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the
purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and
territorial integrity to great and small states alike."

Later events have magnified the significance of this notable speech of
the 8th