ays that "Clay is
as rancorously benevolent as John Randolph." The sting of these
remarks lay rather in the comparison with Randolph than in their
direct allegations. In January, 1819, Adams notes that Clay has
"redoubled his rancor against me," and gives himself "free swing to
assault me ... both in his public speeches and by secret machinations,
without scruple or delicacy." The diarist gloomily adds, that "all
public business in Congress now connects itself with intrigues, and
there is great danger that the whole Government will degenerate into a
struggle of cabals." He was rather inclined to such pessimistic
vaticinations; but it must be confessed that he spoke with too much
reason on this occasion. In the absence of a sufficient supply of
important public questions to absorb the energies of the men in public
life, the petty game of personal politics was playing with unusual
zeal. As time went on, however, and the South American questions (p. 154)
were removed from the arena, Adams's ill-feeling towards Clay became
greatly mitigated. Clay's assaults and opposition also gradually
dwindled away; go-betweens carried to and fro disclaimers, made by the
principals, of personal ill-will towards each other; and before the
time of election was actually imminent something as near the _entente
cordiale_ was established as could be reasonably expected to exist
between competitors very unlike both in moral and mental
constitution.[4]

[Footnote 4: For a deliberate estimate of Clay's
character see Mr. Adams's Diary, v. 325.]

Mr. Adams's unbounded indignation and profound contempt were reserved
for Mr. Crawford, partly, it may be suspected by the cynically minded,
because Crawford for a long time seemed to be by far the most
formidable rival, but partly also because Crawford was in fact unable
to resist the temptation to use ignoble means for attaining an end
which he coveted too keenly for his own honor. It was only by degrees
that Adams began to suspect the underhand methods and malicious
practices of Crawford; but as conviction was gradually brought home to
him his native tendency towards suspicion was enhanced to an extreme
degree. He then came to recognize in Crawford a wholly selfish (p. 155)
and scheming politician, who had the baseness to retain his seat in
Mr. Monroe's Cabinet with the secret persistent object of giving the
most fatal advice in his power. From that time fort