l influence in Congress would almost undoubtedly
confer success upon the aspirant whom he should favor. Apparently his
predilections were at least possibly in favor of Crawford; but (p. 170)
Crawford's health had been for many months very bad; he had had a
severe paralytic stroke, and when acting as Secretary of the Treasury
he had been unable to sign his name, so that a stamp or die had been
used; his speech was scarcely intelligible; and when Mr. Clay visited
him in the retirement in which his friends now kept him, the fact
could not be concealed that he was for the time at least a wreck. Mr.
Clay therefore had to decide for himself, his followers, and the
country whether Mr. Adams or General Jackson should be the next
President of the United States. A cruel attempt was made in this
crisis either to destroy his influence by blackening his character, or
to intimidate him, through fear of losing his reputation for
integrity, into voting for Jackson. An anonymous letter charged that
the friends of Clay had hinted that, "like the Swiss, they would fight
for those who pay best;" that they had offered to elect Jackson if he
would agree to make Clay Secretary of State, and that upon his
indignant refusal to make such a bargain the same proposition had been
made to Mr. Adams, who was found less scrupulous and had promptly
formed the "unholy coalition." This wretched publication, made a few
days before the election in the House, was traced to a dull-witted
Pennsylvania Representative by the name of Kremer, who had (p. 171)
obviously been used as a tool by cleverer men. It met, however, the
fate which seems happily always to attend such ignoble devices, and
failed utterly of any more important effect than the utter
annihilation of Kremer. In truth, General Jackson's fate had been
sealed from the instant when it had fallen into Mr. Clay's hands. Clay
had long since expressed his unfavorable opinion of the "military
hero," in terms too decisive to admit of explanation or retraction.
Without much real liking for Adams, Clay at least disliked him much
less than he did Jackson, and certainly his honest judgment favored
the civilian far more than the disorderly soldier whose lawless career
in Florida had been the topic of some of the great orator's fiercest
invective. The arguments founded on personal fitness were strongly
upon the side of Adams, and other arguments advanced by the Jacksonians
could hardly deceive Clay. Th