istian groaning under the Turkish yoke,
and had believed them. I learnt in Macedonia the strange truth that,
on the contrary, it was the Christian Churches of the Balkans that
kept the Turk in power. Greek and Serb were both organizing
komitadjis bands and sending them into Macedonia, not to "liberate
Christian brethren"--no. That was the last thing they wanted. But to
aid the Turk in suppressing "Christian brethren."

I condoled with the Bulgar Bishop of Ochrida on the terrible
massacre of his flock by the Turks. He replied calmly that to him it
had been a disappointment. He had expected quite half the population
to have been killed, and then Europe would have been forced to
intervene. Not a quarter had perished, and he expected it would all
have to be done over again. "Next time there will be a great
slaughter. All the foreign consuls and every foreigner will be
killed too. It is their own fault." Big Bulgaria was to be
constructed at any price.

I suggested that, had the Bulgars risen in 1897 when the Greek made
war on the Turk, the whole land could have been freed. He replied
indignantly, "I would rather the land should remain for ever under
the Turk than that the Greeks should ever obtain a kilometre."

Later I met his rival, the Greek Bishop. He, too, loudly lamented
the suffering of the wretched Christian under the Turkish yoke. To
him I suggested that if Greece aided the Bulgar rising the Christian
might now be freed. The mere idea horrified him. Sooner than allow
those swine of Bulgars to obtain any territory he would prefer that
the land should be for ever Turkish.

Such was the Christianity which at that time was being prayed for in
English Churches.

Bulgars came to me at night and begged poison with which to kill
Greeks. Greeks betrayed Bulgar komitadjis to the Turkish
authorities. The Serbs sided with the Greeks. They had not then the
smallest desire "to liberate their Slav brethren in Macedonia." No.
They were doing all they could to prevent the Bulgars liberating
them. Of Serb conduct a vivid picture is given by F. Wilson in a
recently published book on the Serbs she looked after as refugees
during the late war. She gives details taken down from the lips of a
Serbian schoolmaster, who describes how he began Serb propaganda in
Macedonia in 1900. "We got the children. We made them realize they
were Serbs. We taught them their history. . . . Masters and
children, we were like secret conspirators." Wh