tary and legalized bondage.

In the two views here presented, the subject of the emancipation in
Russia is considered in various aspects. Andrew D. White's account,
being that of an American scholar and diplomatist familiar with the
history and people of Russia through his residence at St. Petersburg, is
of peculiar value, embodying the most intelligent foreign judgment.
White's synopsis covers the entire subject of the serf system from its
beginning to its overthrow. Nikolai Turgenieff, the Russian historian,
writing while the emancipation act was bearing its first fruits,
describes its workings and effects as observed by one intimately
connected with the serfs and the movement that resulted in their
freedom.

ANDREW D. WHITE

Close upon the end of the fifteenth century the Muscovite ideas of right
were subjected to the strong mind of Ivan the Great and compressed into
a code. Therein were embodied the best processes known to his land and
time: for discovering crime, torture and trial by battle; for punishing
crime, the knout and death.

But hidden in this tough mass was one law of greater import than others.
Thereby were all peasants forbidden to leave the lands they were then
tilling, except during the eight days before and after St. George's Day.
This provision sprang from Ivan's highest views of justice and broadest
views of political economy; the nobles received it with plaudits, which
have found echoes even in these days; the peasants received it with no
murmurs which history has found any trouble in drowning.

Just one hundred years later upon the Muscovite throne, as nominal Czar,
sat the weakling Feodor I; but behind the throne stood, as real Czar,
hard, strong Boris Godunoff. Looking forward to Feodor's death, Boris
made ready to mount the throne; and he saw--what all other "Mayors of
the Palace" climbing into the places of _faineant_ kings have seen--that
he must link to his fortunes the fortunes of some strong body in the
nation; he broke, however, from the general rule among usurpers--bribing
the church--and determined to bribe the nobility.

The greatest grief of the Muscovite nobles seemed to be that the
peasants could escape from their oppression by the emigration allowed on
St. George's Day. Boris saw his opportunity: he cut off the privilege of
St. George's Day, and the peasant was fixed to the soil forever. No
Russian law ever directly enslaved the peasantry, but, through this
decree of Bori