orking of the plan, and the six
further years of Federal supervision over the South, belong to another
chapter.

An episode in this story, though an important feature in a general
history, must be the impeachment of President Johnson in the spring of
1868. Though the main questions at issue were definitely settled, the
bitterness between the President and Congress lasted and increased. At
the same time with the final reconstruction measure, there was passed
the "Tenure of Office bill," which took away from the President the
power of removing his subordinates which all his predecessors had
enjoyed, and required the Senate's concurrence in removals as in
appointments. Some exception was made as to Cabinet officers; and the
President, exasperated beyond endurance by Stanton, after vainly, though
reasonably, asking the Senate to relieve him of his hostile secretary,
assumed the right to remove him by his own authority, and appointed Gen.
Lorenzo Thomas in his place, February 21, 1868. The House, in which the
radical temper had grown stronger than ever, in a blaze of excitement
voted the President's impeachment. He was tried before the Senate, the
House prosecutors being led by Stevens, Boutwell, and Benjamin F.
Butler, whose vindictive and unscrupulous personality had come to the
front. The President was defended by a group of the foremost lawyers in
the country, including Benjamin R. Curtis, Jeremiah S. Black, and
William M. Evarts. The only weighty article in the charge was that
concerning Stanton's removal, and upon this a legal defense was made
which now seems conclusive. But it has been justly said that the
President was on trial nominally for one class of offenses, but
practically for another--namely, his persistent opposition to the policy
of Congress. Party loyalty was invoked for his condemnation; the general
temper of the North was hot against him; wrath and tribulation were
predicted for any Republican senator who should vote for his acquittal.
In face of the storm, there were a few who quietly let it be known or
surmised that they should vote in their capacity as judges sworn to
follow the law and the facts, whatever the political consequences. The
decisive hour came, May 16, and the result no one could predict; the
Democratic senators and the four administration Republicans all would
sustain the President; seven additional votes would prevent the decisive
two-thirds condemnation. Man after man, Fessenden, Fowle