who
after a little fruitless third-term talk were both hoping to be legatees
of the Grant influence in the approaching Presidential convention. But
at the eleventh hour a cloud swept over Blaine's prospects, in charges
of discreditable receipt of favors from railroads looking for political
aid. The testimony was conflicting, but Blaine's palpable seizure of his
own letters from a hostile witness was hardly outweighed even by his
spectacular vindication of his acts before the House. A sudden illness
stopped the investigation; and later his transference to the Senate
postponed its renewal until it frustrated his ambition in 1884. The
convention in 1876 met at Cincinnati, with Blaine the favorite, and
Morton and Conkling dividing the Grant strength. The reform element, led
by George William Curtis, supported Benjamin F. Bristow, of Kentucky,
who had made an honorable record as Secretary of the Treasury, by
attacking powerful rings, which through their connection with the
President's friends succeeded in driving Bristow out of office. The
choice of the convention fell on Rutherford B. Hayes, Union general,
governor of Ohio, leader of a State campaign in 1875 which had been a
decisive victory for sound money, and a man highly acceptable to the
reformers. Against him the Democrats nominated Samuel J. Tilden, of New
York, a statesman in his aims and the craftiest of politicians in his
means; tolerant of Tammany Hall while it was a necessary factor
in the party, but leader in the fierce and skilful assault which
drove the Tweed ring from power. As Governor he had attacked
and routed a formidable gang of plunderers connected with the canal
management. On the issues which to thoughtful men were becoming
paramount,--administrative reform and sound finance,--he offered as good
promise as did Governor Hayes.

The two men, and the elements supporting them, stood for the new
politics instead of the old,--the replacement of the war issues and
their sequels by the matters of clean administration, sound currency,
and interests common alike to the whole nation. But the Republican
leaders found their best campaign material in what the slang of the time
called "waving the bloody shirt,"--reviving the cry of abuse of the
freedmen, suppression of the negro vote, and the need of national
protection for the nation's wards. It was out of keeping with Hayes's
record, and with his later performances,--but he let the campaign take
its way, and the