getting that number. With
two lost in advance the case looked almost hopeless. South Carolina and
Georgia saw their advantage, and pushed it with equal resolution and
dexterity. The question of representation was settled by a singular
compromise: To the free population was to be added in the count
three-fifths of the slave population. The slave was, for political
purposes, three-fifths a man and two-fifths a chattel. Illogical to
grotesqueness, this arrangement--in effect a concession to the most
objectionable species of property of a political advantage denied to all
other property--yet seemed to the wisest leaders of the convention not
too heavy a price for the establishment of the Union. The provision that
fugitive slaves should be returned had already been made, apparently
with little opposition.

But the price was by no means all paid. When the powers of Congress came
to be defined, the extreme South demanded that it be not allowed to
forbid the importation of African slaves. With the example of Virginia
and Maryland in view, it was clear that the tide was running so strongly
against the traffic that Congress was sure to prohibit it unless
restrained from doing so. Against such restraint there was strong
protest from Virginia and the middle States. "The traffic is infernal,"
said Mason of Virginia. "To permit it is against every principle of
honor and safety," said Dickinson of Delaware. But the two Pinckneys and
their colleague said, "Leave us the traffic, or South Carolina and
Georgia will not join your Union." The leading members from the
northern and New England States actually favored the provision, to
conciliate the extreme South. The matter went to a committee of one from
each State. There it was discussed along with another question: It had
been proposed to restrict Congress from legislating on navigation and
kindred subjects except by a two-thirds vote of each House. This went
sorely against the commercial North, which was eager to wield the whole
power of the government in favor of its shipping interests. Of this
power the South was afraid, and how well grounded was the importance
each section attached to it was made plain when a generation later the
North used its dearly-bought privilege to fashion such tariff laws as
drove South Carolina to the verge of revolt. Now in the committee a
bargain was struck: The slave trade should be extended till 1800, and in
compensation Congress should be allowed to legi