ich the coloured people have to endure for being
coloured will welcome any fair means of preventing miscegenation in
South Africa. Proscriptive legislation has been advocated by both the
detractors and the defenders of the half-breed, as a means of
preventing what both schools, for their different reasons, regard as
wrong and undesirable, but I cannot agree that it can ever be right or
expedient to penalise and make criminal a natural act which under
existing conditions is in many places unavoidable.

There can be no doubt that the evil of miscegenation in South Africa has
been greatly exaggerated, both in respect of its nature and its extent,
but, nevertheless, so long as the racial prejudice of the white man
remains as strong as it is to-day--and there is nothing to show that it
is likely to decrease in the future--so long will it be the duty of all
good citizens to discourage by persuasion and precept the production of
children for whom the ruling race has no love and little pity. Even
those among the whites who, in a spirit of good will and tolerance urge
that the coloured people should receive preferential treatment because
of the white blood which is in them, cannot escape having their point of
view warped by their racial prepossession, for, surely, it is not
because of a man's class or colour that he is treated as a man to-day
but because of his being a civilised member of a civilised community.
Nevertheless, the day when civilisation shall be the sole qualification
for full membership of the civilised community of South Africa is not
yet.

I say, therefore, in answer to the question whether, without the full
fraternity which seems impossible here, the white and the black races
may not live together in South Africa in political liberty and equality,
that the trend of events leads to the belief that the established pride
of race of the whites, and the growing pride of race among the Natives
will conduce to voluntary separation wherever this is possible, and that
in this way the coming generations will contrive to live territorially
separate under a common governance, founded upon political equality and
liberty.

CONCLUSION.

The evidence before us leads inevitably to the conclusion that there is
nothing in the mental constitution, or in the moral nature of the South
African Native, to warrant his relegation to a place of inferiority in
the land of his birth, but the same evidence also leads to the
conclusio