e charged to make plans of the
harbours, and of the soundings and moorings.[247]

Then again, the French were almost certainly helping Irish
conspirators. One of these, Emmett, already suspected of complicity in
the Despard conspiracy which aimed at the King's life, had, after its
failure, sought shelter in France. At the close of 1802 he returned to
his native land and began to store arms in a house near Rathfarnham.
It is doubtful whether the authorities were aware of his plans, or, as
is more probable, let the plot come to a head. The outbreak did not
take place till the following July (after the renewal of war), when
Emmett and some of his accomplices, along with Russell, who stirred up
sedition in Ulster, paid for their folly with their lives. They
disavowed any connection with France, but they must have based their
hope of success on a promised French invasion of our coasts.[248]

The dealings of the French commercial commissioners and the beginnings
of the Emmett plot increased the tension caused by Napoleon's
masterful foreign policy; and the result was seen in the King's
message to Parliament on March 8th, 1803. In view of the military
preparations and of the wanton defiance of the First Consul's recent
message to the Corps Legislatif, Ministers asked for the embodiment of
the militia and the addition of 10,000 seamen to the navy. After
Napoleon's declaration to our ambassador that France was bringing her
forces on active service up to 480,000 men, the above-named increase
of the British forces might well seem a reasonable measure of defence.
Yet it so aroused the spleen of the First Consul that, at a public
reception of ambassadors on March 13th, he thus accosted Lord
Whitworth:

"'So you are determined to go to war.' 'No, First Consul,' I
replied, 'we are too sensible of the advantage of peace.' 'Why,
then, these armaments? Against whom these measures of precaution? I
have not a single ship of the line in the French ports, but if you
wish to arm I will arm also: if you wish to fight, I will fight
also. You may perhaps kill France, but will never intimidate her.'
'We wish,' said I, 'neither the one nor the other. We wish to live
on good terms with her.' 'You must respect treaties then,' replied
he; 'woe to those who do not respect treaties. They shall answer
for it to all Europe.' He was too agitated to make it advisable to
prolong the conversation: I t