reference
to a committee. He directed the House also in the correct path in its
legislation as to foreign coins. It was proposed to take from them the
quality of legal tender; but he showed that it was policy not to
discriminate against such coins until the mint could supply a
sufficiency for the use of the country. In this argument he estimated
the entire amount of specie in the United States at eight millions of
dollars. At this early period in his political career he was acquiring
that precise knowledge of the facts of American finance which later
served to establish the principles upon which it is based.

This session was noteworthy by reason of the first personal encounter on
the floor of the House. It was between two Northern members, Lyon of
Vermont and Griswold of Connecticut. Gallatin stood by Lyon, who was of
his party, and showed that the House could not expel him, since it was
not at the time in organized session. As the Federalists would not
consent to censure Griswold, both offenders escaped even a formal
reproof. The general bitterness of feeling which marked the summer
session was greatly modified in the expectant state of foreign politics;
but the occasion for display of political divergence was not long
delayed.

On January 18, 1798, Mr. Harper, who led the business of the House,
moved the appropriation for foreign intercourse. This was seized upon by
the opposition to advance still further their line of attack by a
limitation of the constitutional prerogative of the President. In
addition to the usual salaries of the envoys to Great Britain and
France, appropriations were asked for the posts at Madrid, Lisbon, and
Berlin, which last Mr. Adams had designated as a first-class mission.
The discussion on the powers of the President, and the extent to which
they might be controlled by paring down the appropriations, lifted the
debate from the narrow ground of economy in administration to the
higher plane of constitutional powers. Nicholas opened on the
Republican side by announcing that it was seasonable to bring back the
establishment of the diplomatic corps to the footing it had been on
until the year 1796. In all governments like our own he declared that
there was a tendency to a union and consolidation of all its parts into
the executive, and the limitation and annexion of the parts with each
other as settled by the Constitution would be destroyed by this
influence unless there were a constant attent