to 1764, leaving to British
generosity to render these, at some future time, as easy to America
as the interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was
spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not
now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our
real intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be
accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation, till
it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great
Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most potent
nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they
may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be
certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our
accepting a foreign aid, which perhaps may not be obtainable but on
condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be
thought a hard condition to those who still wish for reunion with their
parent country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be in
dependence on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any nation upon
earth, or than on no nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather
than submit to the rights of legislating for us, assumed by the British
Parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly
exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.

If undeceiving the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his
disposition, it will perhaps be in your power, by assisting to do
this, to render service to the whole empire at the most critical time,
certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the
head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original
station in the political scale of Europe, depends perhaps on the
resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and
salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as
you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I
expect; to communicate some things, consistently with your honor and the
duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication among
individuals may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties.
On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your
knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their credibility; if I
hazard opinions on the dispositions of men or other speculative points,
you can only