ded, and protected from all enemies by the matchless
fleet of Great Britain. But of all improvements the greatest is in the
minds of the Scotch. These have profited, even more than their lands, by
the culture which the settled peace and tranquillity produced by the
union have happily given to them, and they have discovered such talents
in all branches of literature as might render the English jealous of
being excelled by their genius, if there could remain a competition, when
there remains no distinction between the two nations.

_Douglas_.--There may be emulation without jealousy, and the efforts,
which that emulation will excite, may render our island superior in the
fame of wit and good learning to Italy or to Greece; a superiority, which
I have learnt in the Elysian fields to prefer even to that which is
acquired by arms. But one doubt still remains with me concerning the
union. I have been informed that no more than sixteen of our peers,
except those who have English peerages (which some of the noblest have
not), now sit in the House of Lords as representatives of the rest. Does
not this in a great measure diminish those peers who are not elected? And
have you not found the election of the sixteen too dependent on the
favour of a court?

_Argyle_.--It was impossible that the English could ever consent in the
Treaty of Union, to admit a greater number to have places and votes in
the Upper House of Parliament, but all the Scotch peerage is virtually
there by representation. And those who are not elected have every
dignity and right of the peerage, except the privilege of sitting in the
House of Lords and some others depending thereon.

_Douglas_.--They have so; but when parliaments enjoy such a share in the
government of a country as ours do at this time, to be personally there
is a privilege and a dignity of the highest importance.

_Argyle_.--I wish it had been possible to impart it to all. But your
reason will tell you it was not. And consider, my lord, that, till the
Revolution in 1688, the power vested by our Government in the Lords of
the Articles had made our parliaments much more subject to the influence
of the Crown than our elections are now. As, by the manner in which they
were constituted, those lords were no less devoted to the king than his
own privy council, and as no proposition could then be presented in
Parliament if rejected by them, they gave him a negative before debate.
This, indeed