ibed,
it was not until the issue in November, 1892, of Tract 42, "Christian
Socialism," by the Rev. S.D. Headlam, that the author's name is printed
on the title page. The reason for the innovation is obvious: this tract
was written by a Churchman for Christians, and whilst the Society as a
whole approved the conclusions, the premises commended themselves to but
a few. It was therefore necessary that the responsibility of the author
should be made clear.

The autumn of 1889 is memorable for the great strike of the London
Dockers, which broke out on August 14th, was led by John Burns, and was
settled mainly by Cardinal Manning on September 14th. The Fabian Society
held no meeting between July 19th and September 20th, and there is
nothing in the minutes or the Annual Report to show that the Society as
such took any part in the historic conflict. But many of the members as
individuals lent their aid to the Dockers in their great struggle, which
once for all put an end to the belief that hopeless disorganisation is a
necessary characteristic of unskilled labour.[23]

Arising out of the Dock Strike, the special demand of the Socialist
section of trade unionists for the next four or five years was a legal
eight hours day, and the Fabian Society now for the first time
recognised that it could render substantial assistance to the labour
movement by putting into a practicable shape any reform which was the
current demand of the day.

At the members' meeting on September 20 a committee was appointed to
prepare an Eight Hours Bill for introduction into Parliament, and in
November this was published as Tract No. 9. It consists of a Bill for
Parliament, drawn up in proper form, with explanatory notes. It provided
that eight hours should be the maximum working day for Government
servants, for railway men, and for miners, and that other trades should
be brought in when a Secretary of State was satisfied that a majority of
the workers desired it. The tract had a large sale--20,000 had been
printed in six months--and it was specially useful because, in fact, it
showed the inherent difficulty of any scheme for universal limitation of
the hours of labour.

The Eight Hours Day agitation attained larger proportions than any other
working-class agitation in England since the middle of the nineteenth
century. For a number of years it was the subject of great annual
demonstrations in Hyde Park. It commended itself both to the practical
tra