the Society in local government was in no way relaxed. The output of
tracts at this period was remarkable. In the year 1890-1, 10 new tracts
were published, 335,000 copies printed, and 98,349 sold or given away.
In 1891-2, 20 tracts, 16 of them leaflets of 4 pages, were published,
308,300 printed, and 378,281 distributed, most of them leaflets. This
was the maximum. Next year only 272,660 were distributed, though the
sales of penny tracts were larger. At this period the Society had a
virtual monopoly in the production of political pamphlets in which facts
and figures were marshalled in support of propositions of reform in the
direction of Socialism. Immense trouble was taken to ensure accuracy and
literary excellence. Many of the tracts were prepared by Committees
which held numerous meetings. Each of them was criticised in proof both
by the Executive and by all the members of the Society. Every tract
before publication had to be approved at a meeting of members, when the
author or authors had to consider every criticism and justify, amend, or
delete the passage challenged.
The tracts published in these years included a series of "Questions" for
candidates for Parliament and all the local governing bodies embodying
progressive programmes of administration with possible reforms in the
law--which the candidate was requested to answer by a local elector and
which were used with much effect for some years--and a number of
leaflets on Municipal Socialism, extracted from "Facts for Londoners."
In 1891 the first edition of "What to Read: A List of Books for Social
Reformers," classified in a somewhat elaborate fashion, was prepared by
Graham Wallas, the fifth edition of which, issued as a separate volume
in 1910, is still in print. "Facts for Bristol," drafted by the
gentleman who is now Sir Hartmann Just, K.C.M.G., C.B., was the only
successful attempt out of many to apply the method of "Facts for
Londoners" to other cities.
It is impossible for me to estimate how far the Progressive policy of
London in the early nineties is to be attributed to the influence of the
Fabian Society. That must be left to the judgment of those who can form
an impartial opinion. Something, however, the Society must have
contributed to create what was really a remarkable political phenomenon.
London up to 1906 was Conservative in politics by an overwhelming
majority. In 1892 out of 59 seats the Liberals secured 23, but in 1895
and 1900 they obt
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