a practical people, we therefore quickly adopted or invented new
forms. Doubtless this is, in the main, right, but we should understand
clearly what we are doing.
For instance, one of the great changes, recently inaugurated, is the
election of national senators by popular vote. Our forefathers planned
that the national upper house should represent a double sifting of
popular opinion. We elected state legislatures; they, in turn, chose the
national senators: thus these were twice removed from the popular will.
It proved easy to corrupt state legislatures; the national senate came
to represent too much the moneyed interests; and so, through an
amendment to the constitution, we changed the process, and now elect our
senators by direct vote of the people. This makes them more immediately
representative of the popular will, and perhaps the change was wise; but
we should recognize that we have removed one more safe-guard of
democracy.
A story, told for a generation, and fixed upon various British
statesmen, will illustrate my meaning. The last repetition attributed
it to John Burns. On one occasion, while he was a member of Parliament,
it is said he was at a tea-party in the West End of London. The
hostess, pouring his cup of tea, anxious to make talk and show her deep
interest in politics, said, "Mr. Burns, what is the use of the house of
Lords anyway?" The statesman, without replying, poured his tea from the
cup into the saucer. The hostess, surprised at the breach of etiquette,
waited, and then said, "but Mr. Burns, you didn't answer my question."
He pointed to the tea, cooling in the saucer: that was the function, to
cool the tea of legislation. That was the function intended for our
national senate. The trouble was, the tea of legislation often became
so stone cold in the process that it was fit only for the political
slop-pail, and that was not what we wanted. So we have changed it all,
but one more safe-guard of democracy is gone.
So with other reforms, loudly acclaimed, as the initiative and
referendum. With the new problems and complications of an
extraordinarily developed life, it is doubtless wise that the people
should be able to initiate legislation and should have the final word as
to what legislation shall stand. On the other hand, if we are not to
suffer under a mass of hasty and ill-considered legislation, if laws are
to stand, they must always be formulated by a body of trained
legislators, a
|