sident there. A sufficient number of these classes can at any
time be got to make up the House of Commons; and, the majority being
composed of such, the ways of the House are regulated accordingly. Daily
constant attendance, when necessary, and readiness to respond to the
whip at short notice, are assumed as costing nothing. But in other
countries, the case is not the same. In the Italian Chamber I found
professors of the University of Turin, who still kept up their
class-work, and made journeys to Rome at intervals of a week or two, on
the emergence of important business. Even the payment of members is not
enough to bring people away from their homes, and break up their
avocations, for several months every year. The forms of procedure, as
familiar to us, do not fit under such circumstances. The system of
printed speeches, with division days at two or three weeks' interval,
might be found serviceable. But, at all events, the entire arrangements
of public deliberation need to be revised on much broader grounds than
we have been accustomed to; and it is in this view, more than with any
hope of bringing about immediate changes, that I have ventured to
propound the foregoing suggestions.

* * * * *

[OPINIONS FAVOURABLE TO PRINTING.]

Since the foregoing paper was written, opinions have been expressed
favourable to the use of printing as a means of shortening the debates
in the House of Commons. Among the most notable of the authorities that
have declared their views, we may count Lord Derby and Lord Sherbrooke.
Both advocate the printing of the answers by ministers to the daily
string of questions addressed to them. Lord Derby goes a step farther.
He would have everyone introducing a bill to prepare a statement of his
reasons, to be circulated among members at the public expense. Even this
small beginning would be fruitful of important consequences; the
greatest being the inevitable extension of the system.

I am not aware that my suggestion as to requiring a plurality of members
to back every bill and every proposal, has gained any degree of support.
It was urged that, if the power were taken away from single members to
move in any case whatever, the few that are accustomed to find
themselves alone, would form into a group to back each other. I do not
hesitate to say that the supposition is contrary to all experience.
Crotcheteers have this in common with the insane, that they can seldom