e, because the United States was not in a condition to go
to war with the greatest naval power in the world; and useless, because
the end to be reached by war could be gained more certainly, and at
infinitely less cost, by peaceful measures. The situation had not
changed. Indeed, up to within a month of the message recommending an
embargo as a precursor of war, his letters show that, if he thought war
was inevitable, it must be with France, not England. But the faction
determined upon war must have at their command an administration to
carry out that policy. Their choice was not limited to Madison for an
available candidate. Whoever was nominated by the Democrats was sure to
be chosen, and Madison had two formidable rivals in James Monroe,
secretary of state, and De Witt Clinton, mayor of New York, both eager
for war. The choice depended on that question and between the embargo
message of April 1 and the war message of June 1, the nomination was
given to Madison by the congressional caucus. It was understood, and
openly asserted at the time by the opponents of the administration,
that the nomination was the price of a change of policy. At the next
session of Congress, before a year had passed away, Mr. Quincy said in
the House: "The great mistake of all those who reasoned concerning the
war and the invasion of Canada, and concluded that it was impossible
that either should be seriously intended, resulted from this, that they
never took into consideration the connection of both those events with
the great election for the chief magistracy which was then pending. It
was never sufficiently considered by them that plunging into a war with
Great Britain was among the conditions on which the support for the
presidency was made dependent." The assertion, so plainly aimed at
Madison, passed unchallenged, though the charge of any distinct bargain
was vehemently denied.

If Mr. Madison's conscience was not always vigorous enough to enable him
to resist temptation, it was so sensitive as to prompt him to look for
excuses for yielding. In a sense this was to his credit as one of the
better sort of politicians, without assuming it to be akin to that
hypocrisy which is the homage vice pays to virtue. Perhaps it was this
sentiment which led him to accept so readily the pretended disclosures
of John Henry, and to make the use of them he did. These were contained
in twenty-four letters, for which the President, apparently without
hesita