sas into the
Union as a slave State. In the grappling there, freedom had shown itself
stronger than slavery. Robert J. Walker, a slaveholder, whom Buchanan
and Douglas had persuaded to accept the governorship, reported that the
Free-Soilers outnumbered their adversaries three to one. The legislature
had provided for the election of delegates to a constitutional
convention, and when the question of submitting the constitution to the
people arose, the governor, an upright man, promptly announced that it
would be submitted, and the administration sustained him. Many
Free-Soilers, however, made the mistake of staying away from the polls
on election day. The convention, under control of the pro-slavery
leaders, met in October at Lecompton, drew up a constitution which
safeguarded slavery elaborately, and hit upon an extraordinary way to
submit it to the people. The electors were permitted to vote either "for
the constitution with slavery," or "for the constitution without
slavery," but not against the constitution as a whole. Even if "the
constitution without slavery" carried, such slaves as were already held
in Kansas could continue to be held.

So far had the Democratic party progressed toward the extreme Southern
view, and such was the ascendency of the Southerners over Buchanan, that
he would not stand up against the outrageous scheme, and it seemed on
the point of succeeding. But Douglas was come now to a parting of the
ways. Forced to choose between absolute subserviency to the South and
what was left of his principle of popular sovereignty, he remonstrated
angrily with the President for breaking faith with Walker and the
Kansans. At the end of a stormy interview, Buchanan, stirred out of his
wonted placidity, threateningly reminded the senator that no Democrat
ever broke with a Democratic administration without being crushed.
Douglas scornfully retorted: "Mr. President, I wish you to remember that
General Jackson is dead." The new Congress was no sooner assembled than
the Lecompton programme became the central issue, and Douglas, in flat
rebellion against his party's Southern masters, in open defiance of his
party's President, was again the man of the hour.

Superb fighter that he was, he had a fighter's best opportunity,--great
odds to fight against, and at last a good cause to fight for. The
administration proscribed him. The whole South, so lately reciting his
praises, rose up against him and reviled him as a trai