omic
equality by means of class legislation.

These facts are not to the edification of other civilized States, and
subject us to harsh and contemptuous criticism.

It is likewise very interesting that apparently the American people
believe in a monarchical democracy. One of our typical first citizens
has recently expressed his antipathy to the phrases "My monarchy," "My
loyal people," "My loyal subjects," used by one of the German monarchs
in summoning the nation to war, as implying a dynastic or personal
ownership of men.

Averse from Militarism.

The American masses dislike the sound of supreme war lord, but gladly
admit their own Chief Magistrate to be Commander in Chief of the army
and navy. To our ears the three German words are offensive, and well
they may be, for in the treacherous literal translation they are willful
perversion; but the much stronger English words are a delight to our
democracy.

The phrases of monarchy are constantly used in Great Britain by its King
and its Emperor, but give no offense to his "loyal subjects," even the
most radical, who delight in them, as apparently do our people of
British origin. Why do they give such deep offense when employed by the
German Government through its King and Emperor? The social
stratification of Germany is not as marked as that of Great Britain; its
aristocracy is far less powerful; and Edward VII. proved that an adroit
and willful English monarch could involve his "loyal people" deeper in
harmful, secret alliances than William II., whose alliances and policies
were and are unconcealed.

One of our greatest historians has earned a brilliant reputation in the
conclusive proof that oceans are the world's highways, while its
continents are its barriers. To the term "militarism" we attach an
opprobrious meaning; militarism is the more infamous in exact proportion
to its efficiency. We have been at little pains to define it, and as to
certain of its aspects are curiously complacent.

The basic principle of our own nationality has long been the very vague
Monroe Doctrine, by the assertion of which we have prevented the
establishment on our nearest and remotest frontiers of strong military
powers, which might in certain events compel us to maintain a powerful
and numerous standing army, or even introduce the compulsory military
service of all voters, (women, of course, excepted.)

Yet we propose to fight if necessary in order to prevent fighting, and
t