say much for the
civilisation of the nineteenth century, but after the brutalities of the
spring of 1871 in Paris, there can be no doubt how thin is the veneer
over the barbarity of even the most civilised; those deeds were
perpetrated in the heart of the European capital specially devoted to
amusement: what I describe took place in the most distant portion of
Europe, where Nature is lovely and man, alas, the creature of impulse,
the prey of those who lead him into the worst temptations.

Another settlement was suggested by an anonymous writer who concealed
his identity under the pseudonym of Saxon. He observed:--

'Two hundred millions of English money are now (1886) to be spent buying
out Irish landlords, but would it not be surely better and more in
accordance with reason and justice to buy out the tenants? At a very low
calculation, two hundred millions would put a couple of hundred pounds
in every Irishman's pocket, and there is not one of them that would
refuse to leave his beloved country, and bless America or Australia on
these terms. The island could be populated with Scotch and English
settlers, and our difficulties be at an end. The Irish must not have
their own loaf and ours too. I commend this scheme to Messrs. Gladstone
and Morley. It is quite as just, quite as reasonable, and more forcible
than their own.'

Hear, hear! say I, but our grandchildren's grandchildren when grey old
men will still be trying to settle the Irish question, which can never
be settled until there arises a big man strong enough to force his will
on the Empire and fortunate enough to be able to hand over the reins of
political dictatorship to an equally enlightened and powerful successor.

It is hopeless to expect Irish matters to go well, when the balance of
parties in the House of Commons is held by hirelings and traitors, men
who debase patriotism and would to-day encourage outrage as much as they
did in 1884, if it was worth their mercenary while.

I had a word to write myself a year later to Mr. T. Harrington, who
thought he could tell as many lies about me as suited his own purpose,
and I addressed my reply, published on August 29, 1887, to the Editor of
the _Times_. It ran as follows:--

'Sir--I have just read the speech of Mr. T. Harrington in the debate on
Mr. Gladstone's motive relating to the proclamation of the National
League, in which he states that I invented and gave to Mr. Balfour the
particulars of the boyco