humble
them, it tends at least to convince them, in their hearts, of the
terrible mistake into which they have been led. We may well hope and
believe that the masses of the people will soon be brought to that
rational frame of mind which will incline them to acknowledge the
irresistible exigencies of their situation, and to make those
concessions that may be found indispensable to peace and union. As we
approach the moment of decisive action, experience will teach us the
solemn duty devolving upon us. While we may not at present anticipate
fully what will then be necessary, we can nevertheless determine some
few principles of a general nature which must control the adjustment.

We will be compelled to consider not only the duty which the Government
owes the people, in the matter of their own permanent security, but also
the obligations it has assumed, the promises it has made, and the hopes
it has excited in the bondsmen of the rebellious States. There must be
good faith toward the black man. It would be infamous to have incited
him to escape from slavery only to remand him again, upon the
restoration of the Union, to the tender mercies of his master. What
differences of opinion may have existed in the beginning as to the
legality and policy of the Proclamation and of employing the liberated
slaves as soldiers, the Government and people are too far committed in
this line of action to be able now to withdraw without dishonour and
foul injustice. Many of the consequences of the war may be remedied, and
even the last vestiges of them obliterated. Cities may be rebuilt,
desolated fields made to bloom again with prosperity, and commerce may
return to its old channels with even increased activity and volume. Many
wounds may be healed, and may separations may be brought to an end by
the renewal of friendships broken by the war; but the separation of the
slave from his mater, so far as it has been caused by any action of the
Government, can never be remedied. That must be an eternal separation,
resting for its security upon the humanity as well as the honor of the
American people. What! Shall we restore the States unconditionally, and
permit the fugitive slave law again to operate as it did before the
rebellion? Shall we consent to see the men whom we have invited away
from the South dragged back into slavery tenfold more severe by reason
of our act inducing them to escape? This is plainly impossible. Argument
is wholly out of