ect, if I have rendered myself
subject to the reproaches of these stipendiary presses, these hired
abusers of the motives of public men, I have the honor, on this
occasion, to be in very respectable company. In the reproachful sense of
that term, I don't know a greater Mexican in this body than the
honorable Senator from Michigan, the chairman of the Committee on
Military Affairs.

MR. CASS. Will the gentleman be good enough to explain what sort of
a Mexican I am?

On the resumption of the bill in the Senate the other day, the gentleman
told us that its principal object was to frighten Mexico; it would touch
his humanity too much to hurt her! He would frighten her--

MR. CASS. Does the gentleman affirm that I said that?

Yes; twice.

MR. CASS. No, Sir, I beg your pardon, I did not say it. I did not
say it would touch my humanity to hurt her.

Be it so.

MR. CASS. Will the honorable Senator allow me to repeat my
statement of the object of the bill? I said it was twofold: first,
that it would enable us to prosecute the war, if necessary; and,
second, that it would show Mexico we were prepared to do so; and
thus, by its moral effect, would induce her to ratify the treaty.

The gentleman said, that the principal object of the bill was to
frighten Mexico, and that this would be more humane than to harm her.

MR. CASS. That's true.

Well, Sir, the remarkable characteristic of that speech, that which
makes it so much a Mexican speech, is, that the gentleman spoke it in
the hearing of Mexico, as well as in the hearing of this Senate. We are
accused here, because what we say is heard by Mexico, and Mexico derives
encouragement from what is said here. And yet the honorable member comes
forth and tells Mexico that the principal object of the bill is to
frighten her! The words have passed along the wires; they are on the
Gulf, and are floating away to Vera Cruz; and when they get there, they
will signify to Mexico, "After all, ye good Mexicans, my principal
object is to frighten you; and to the end that you may not be frightened
too much, I have given you this indication of my purpose."

But, Sir, in any view of this case, in any view of the proper policy of
this government, to be pursued according to any man's apprehension and
judgment, where is the necessity for this augmentation, by regiments, of
the military force of the country? I hold in my hand here a note,