iance, now, here, in my place,
boldly defy the honorable member to put his insinuation in the form of a
charge, and to support that charge by any proof whatever.

The gentleman has adverted to the subject of slavery. On this subject,
he says, I have not proved myself a friend to the South. Why, Sir, the
only proof is, that I did not vote for his resolutions.

Sir, this is a very grave matter; it is a subject very exciting and
inflammable. I take, of course, all the responsibility belonging to my
opinions; but I desire these opinions to be understood, and fairly
stated. If I am to be regarded as an enemy to the South, because I could
not support the gentleman's resolutions, be it so. I cannot purchase
favor from any quarter, by the sacrifice of clear and conscientious
convictions. The principal resolution declared that Congress had
plighted its faith not to interfere either with slavery or the slave
trade in the District of Columbia.

Now, Sir, this is quite a new idea. I never heard it advanced until this
session. I have heard gentlemen contend that no such power was in the
Constitution; but the notion, that, though the Constitution contained
the power, yet Congress had plighted its faith not to exercise such a
power, is an entire novelty, so far as I know. I must say, Sir, it
appeared to me little else than an attempt to put a prohibition into the
Constitution, because there was none there already. For this supposed
plighting of the public faith, or the faith of Congress, I saw no
ground, either in the history of the government, or in any one fact, or
in any argument. I therefore could not vote for the proposition.

Sir, it is now several years since I took care to make my opinion known,
that this government has, constitutionally, nothing to do with slavery,
as it exists in the States. That opinion is entirely unchanged. I stand
steadily by the resolution of the House of Representatives, adopted,
after much consideration, at the commencement of the government, which
was, that Congress has no authority to interfere in the emancipation of
slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the States; it
remaining with the several States alone to provide any regulations
therein, which humanity and true policy may require. This, in my
opinion, is the Constitution and the law. I feel bound by it. I have
quoted the resolution often. It expresses the judgment of men of all
parts of the country, deliberately and coolly form